The COVID-19 pandemic is having a disproportionate
impact on the health of low-income Americans, but even those low-wage
workers who avoid the disease itself are likely to suffer grave
economic distress.
In part, that is because workers with lower incomes have
been more likely to lose their jobs than those who are better paid. The Pew
Research Center reports that 32 percent of upper-income adults say that
someone in their family has lost a job or taken a pay cut due to the outbreak.
That compares with 42 percent of middle-income households who report lost jobs
or pay cuts, and 52 percent of low-income households.
But pay is only part of the story. To fully understand the
disparate economic impact of the pandemic, we need to look also at household
wealth, or more exactly, net worth. The margin by which assets exceed household
liabilities is crucial to a household’s ability to weather a job loss or a pay
cut without catastrophic effects. And household net worth is not only less
equally distributed than income — it is also frighteningly fragile for those in
the bottom half of the population. That fragility is a major threat to hopes
for a speedy economic recovery, as we will see.
Prosperity at the top, fragility at the bottom
Let’s look at some data. Figure 1 shows trends in the net
worth of U.S. households from 1990 to the end of 2019, as reported by the Federal
Reserve. All numbers are adjusted for inflation using the consumer price
index.
We see from the top line in Figure 1 that the top 1 percent
of U.S. households have done very well, increasing their net worth by 167
percent over the past three decades. Those with middle incomes (51st
to 90th percentile) and upper-middle incomes (91st to 99th
percentile) have not done badly, increasing their wealth by 52 and 91 percent,
respectively. But those in the bottom half of the population have not done well
at all. Their average real net worth has actually fallen by 24 percent since
1990. And keep in mind, we are not talking just about the 12 percent or so of
the population who are officially poor. We are talking about the entire bottom
half of the population.
In fact, you can’t really see what is going on with that
group from Figure 1, since the blue line representing low-wealth households
lies right flat along the horizontal axis. There’s an easy way to fix that.
Figure 2 shows the same data replotted on a logarithmic scale to show more
detail on changes in the net worth of the bottom 50 percent.
Consider, in particular, the effects of the downturn of
2008-2009 — a downturn popularly known as the “Great Recession,” although it
may soon lose that title, since the one we are entering now is likely to be
greater still. In the last recession, the top 1 percent lost 27 percent of
their real wealth, as measured from the best quarter before the crisis to the
worst one during it. Since that time, they have recovered all of their losses
and then some. The middle and upper-middle groups lost about 20 percent of
their wealth in the recession, and they, too, had more than regained their
losses by the end of 2019. In contrast, households in the bottom half were hit
much harder, losing 87 percent of their net worth. What is more, by late 2019,
they were still more than 20 percent short of their position before the
recession began.
Should we conclude that the rich picked their assets well
while the less-well-off made bad investments? Not really. For the most part,
the difference between the wealthy and the rest lay not in the quality of their
assets but in the size of their debts.
It’s all a matter of leverage
In financial circles, the relationship of a firm’s or
household’s debts to other items on its balance sheet is known as leverage.
If you owe a lot relative to what you own, you are said to be highly leveraged.
If your debts are relatively modest, your leverage is said to be low. Leverage
can be measured in several ways, but however it is done, the greater your
leverage, the greater the fragility of your financial position if the value of
your assets fall or that of your debts increases.
According to Monica
Prasad, consumers tend to be more leveraged in countries that have
relatively weak social safety nets and easy access to consumer credit. Figure 3
shows that is true for the United States, at least for those in the bottom half
of the wealth distribution.
As we see, American households in the middle, upper-middle,
and wealthiest groups have consistently maintained moderate leverage. However,
in the bottom half have long been more highly leveraged, and increasingly
so over time.
Although the assets of middle- and upper-wealth households
decreased in value during the last recession, their debt ratios remained well
under control. Not so for the bottom 50 percent. As the value of their assets
fell, their debt ratio, which was high to begin with, moved perilously close to
the red line of insolvency. In the worst quarter of the Great Recession, the average
debt ratio for the bottom half was 96 percent. Although the Fed’s data don’t
allow us to calculate the number exactly, it is clear that a large fraction of
the bottom half of the population were technically insolvent at the bottom of
the last recession.
To understand what is likely to happen during the recession
that we are entering now, we should start with the fact that employment and
output are dropping much more sharply this time than they did in 2008. What is
more, the pattern of household assets and liabilities has changed, as shown in
Figure 4.
The focus of the 2008 recession was the housing market. The
big drop in the net worth of the bottom 50 percent, and the run-up in their
debt ratios, was largely due to a decrease in home equity, to the point that it
left many homeowners completely under water. After 2015, the value of housing
increased, and mortgage debt rose also as households borrowed more against
their increasingly valuable homes. However, neither real estate assets nor
mortgage debt returned to their prerecession peaks. Going into the COVID
pandemic, total mortgage debt owed by the bottom half was about 81 percent of
their total real estate assets, leaving a reasonable cushion of equity.
Meanwhile, though, the recovery of household net worth has
been undermined by a 25 percent increase in real consumer debt per household
over the past decade. Such debt, which includes car loans, credit card
balances, and student debt, constituted just 28 percent of all household debt
in 2010. By the end of 2019, that had grown to 38 percent.
As the unemployment rate rises toward 20 percent and beyond,
both household assets and liabilities will undergo further changes. On the
asset side, it is likely that home prices will fall, although probably not by
as much as during the last recession. Low mortgage rates will help sustain
demand for homes and ease the pain for people with adjustable-rate mortgages.
Also, most lenders are offering at least some degree of forbearance on missed
mortgage payments, and there has been a moratorium on foreclosures for most
mortgages. Those actions should reduce the number of forced home sales.
Meanwhile, unemployed workers will be forced to run down
their liquid savings (part of “other assets” in Figure 4b). Some may take
advantage of a temporary reduction in penalties and make early withdrawals from
pension plans. As of 2019, pension plans and other assets accounted for 20
percent of all household assets for those in the bottom 50 percent. People who
are really pinched may resort to selling consumer durables such as furniture,
boats, or sports equipment to make ends meet.
On the liabilities side, one of the first things people will
do is max out their credit cards (part of “consumer debt” in Figure 4a). Many
will take advantage of forbearance on mortgage payments and deferrals of rents,
but although those will help their cash flows, they do not constitute debt
forgiveness; the missed payments will still represent liabilities. Homeowners
with federally insured mortgages are being allowed to let missed payments ride
until they sell their homes or until their mortgages are paid off, but some
private lenders are insisting that missed payments will have to be paid in a
lump sum after only a few months. Much the same is true of student loans and
car loans — the first- and second-fastest growing categories of consumer debt.
Even if lenders agree to a delay in payments, the result will be a greater
burden of liabilities.
Taking the impacts on assets and liabilities together, and
considering that the peak unemployment rate in the COVID crisis is likely to
reach twice the peak of 10 percent reached in October 2009, it is entirely
possible that the average debt ratio for the entire bottom half of American
households will exceed 100 percent before the economy fully recovers.
Implications for the recovery
The COVID recession has had an unusually strong supply-side
component. Output has been constrained by disruptions in global supply chains;
by workers too ill or too fearful to report to their jobs; and most of all, by
widespread stay-at-home orders. (See “The
Coronavirus and the Economy” for details.)
In recent weeks, much of the controversy over reopening the
economy has focused on the supply side. Optimists hope that once stay-at-home
orders are eased, the economy will bounce back quickly. As White House economic
adviser Kevin Hassett put it, commenting on a mid-May uptick in the stock
market, "I've been really positively impressed by how quickly things are
turning around."
But the downturn also has an important demand-side
component. Consumers have cut back sharply on their spending, not only because
stores have been shuttered and restaurants closed, but also because their
incomes have suffered. The optimists seem to assume that once regular paychecks
are restored, consumers will go back to their free-spending ways. Skeptics have
cast doubt on that, noting that many people will be fearful of riding on
airplanes or sitting in restaurants while the virus is still circulating. Fear
is certainly a concern, but it is not the whole story. A look at the balance
sheets of households in the lower 50 percent suggests that it will be some time
before even the most fearless of them are willing and able to spend freely.
Even when income starts coming in again, those households
are going to place a higher priority on paying down debts and rebuilding
savings than on discretionary spending. With maxed-out credit cards, they are
going to be less tempted to drop in for a $5.25 venti salted caramel mocha
latte on their way to the office, even if the office is open. They are going to
think twice about a new car when the old one is still running well, and when
there are missed payments to make up on the loan or lease. They are going to
trailer their boat to the local lake for some fishing rather than rebook the
cruise on which they luckily managed to get a refund when it was cancelled due
to the virus.
The result could be that stores and factories
optimistically reopen, only to be forced into a new round of layoffs when
customers fail to show up. If so, the result could be a W-shaped recovery, even
if there is no second round of COVID cases as social distancing eases. A slow
recovery is all too real a real risk for an economy in which half the
population lives on the brink of insolvency even when times are
good.
Reposted from NiskanenCenter.org
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