Are solar, wind, and other alternatives the magic bullets
that will solve the world’s environmental and energy problems? Take a closer
look, wrote Ozzie Zehner in his 2012 book, Green Illusions. He is still saying much the same thing, in a new movie, Planet of the Humans, despite the great strides renewables have made in the past eight years.
My Niskanen Center colleague Nader Sobhani has reviewed the movie, and finds it wanting. I'll let you read his movie review. Here is a repost my own 2012 review of the book:
Zehner not only
argues that green energy has technological, environmental and economic limits,
but also that without an appropriate policy context, some forms of alternative
energy could do more harm than good.
The dirty secrets of
clean energy
The first part of Zehner’s book—by far the best—is devoted
to explaining why neither photovoltaic, nor wind, nor biomass, nor any of the
other alternatives to fossil fuels will be able to deliver a future of
abundant, cheap, clean energy. Chapter by chapter, he brings out the
environmental and economic limitations of each technology. Among the
highlights—
·
Carbon isn’t the whole story. When you count
toxic sludge from making solar panels, noise from windmills placed too close to
residential areas, or changes in land use patterns from cultivating biofuel crops,
you find that alternative energy has negative externalities of its own that
offset its low-carbon benefits at least in part, and sometimes entirely.
·
Energy not only has to be produced, it has to be
delivered when and where it is needed. Solar and wind power work fine in niche
applications, but if you think about scaling them up to supply 20 percent or
more of our energy needs, as some hope to do, you run into problems integrating
these intermittent energy sources with
our antiquated national electric grid. If you include the needed costs of
upgrading the grid and providing backups, solar and wind start to look a lot
more expensive. Of course, upgrading the grid would reduce waste for all
production technologies, but as Zehner explains the remote locations and
inherent intermittency of solar and wind make the upgrades even more urgent and
expensive.
·
Beware of promises based on performance of
alternative energy under ideal conditions. Under actual operating conditions,
the costs of wind, solar voltaic, cellulosic ethanol, and the rest are typically
higher than suggested by extrapolations from laboratory experiments or
carefully controlled demonstration projects.
Zehner is quick to insist that he is not anti-green; he just
wants to ask questions that the mainstream environmental movement glosses over.
My one criticism is that he sometimes overstates his case. The first thing that
raised my doubts was his claim that owners of home photovoltaic systems are
routinely disappointed with high maintenance costs and performance well below
what they were promised. My own 6 kW
system, after five years, has had no maintenance costs and has produced about
10 percent more power than the supplier estimated.
Of course, that is only a
sample of one, but it was enough to make me start reading more critically. I
began seeing other spots where the author overstated his arguments. For
example, he was unable to resist clichés like using a photo of a flaming water
faucet to illustrate his section on fracking. Unfortunately, despite hundreds
of endnotes, Zehner neither cites the source of the photo nor mentions documentation from
the State of Colorado (a flaming faucet locale featured in the documentary Gasland) that explains why the link from
fracking to flaming faucets is far from clearly established.
Still, details like these do not negate Zehner’s main point:
Yes, there are lots of ways to generate energy without burning fossil fuels.
Unfortunately, none of them is reliably cheap or totally clean; at best some but
not all alternative energy sources are cleaner than fossil fuel alternatives—which
brings us to Zehner’s next topic.
The policy context
If alternative energy is somewhat clean, but not really as
clean as its “zero carbon” claims, then it is neither all bad nor all good.
Whether the benefits of alternative energy outweigh its drawbacks depends on
the policy context. Zehner argues that current U.S. energy policy is far too
“productivist,” as he puts it. It aims to add alternative energy to the output
mix, but at the same time to keep energy “affordable,” which means priced at a
level that encourages extravagant use. In his own words,
Alternative-energy production
expands energy supplies, placing downward pressure on prices, which spurs
demand, entrenches energy-intensive modes of living, and finally brings us right
back to where we started. . . In short, we create an energy boomerang—the harder
we throw, the harder it will come back to hit us on the head.
The solution? A pricing policy that stifles this “boomerang
effect” by encouraging conservation rather than expansion of energy output. I would have liked to see this idea more fully
developed, in at least three respects.
First, it would be worth putting even more emphasis on the
need for a policy that mandates full cost pricing, including environmental
costs, for all forms of energy. Coal should be charged for the carbon and
sulfur dioxide it produces, solar panels for the toxic residues of manufacturing,
wind for the net upgrades to the grid that are needed to deliver it, and so on.
A full-cost pricing policy would dramatically raise the prices of the dirtiest
energy sources, like coal and bitumen from Canadian and Venezuelan oil sands.
It would also charge for proper disposal of toxic sludge from manufacturing
solar panels and for upgrades needed to integrate wind power with the electric
grid. Raising the price of these cleaner but not perfectly clean alternative
sources would encourage conservation of energy of all kinds while still giving
them a comparative advantage over the dirtiest fossil fuels.
A second point is that we should avoid policies that
subsidize production of energy, even when it comes from relatively clean
sources. The feed-in tariffs that are offered to alternative energy producers
are one example, as are mandates for utilities to include a certain percentage
of alternative energy in their power mix. In both cases, the result is that
utilities are required to buy alternative energy at a relatively high price,
and then blend it with cheaper energy from coal or other conventional sources
and sell the blend at price reflecting the average cost. Such policies
stimulate the production of alternative energy, but they don’t encourage
conservation. (Subsidies for basic research on alternative energy would not be
subject to this objection, since they do not artificially lower the cost of
energy to consumers.)
A third point is that once we get energy pricing right, competition
among production of relatively clean and relatively dirtier types of energy would
take a back seat to competition between production and conservation as the best
way to reduce energy use and its associated environmental harms. Should we put solar
panels on the roof or weather strip our leaky window frames? If the panels are
highly subsidized, they are likely to be our first choice, even though the
return on investment in weather stripping might be far higher. (At one point
Zehner quips that the cost of the solar panels per pound of CO2 saved could
well be as high as the cost of weather stripping windows with gold leaf. That
may not even be an exaggeration.)
Once the principle of full cost pricing is accepted, exactly
how we tweak prices to their appropriate level is, in my view, a matter of
secondary importance. Zehner seems to favor pollution taxes, and arguments can
certainly be made in support of that approach. Other people favor cap and trade
as a way to put a price on externalities. Still another option is to impose
costs on energy producers and users through improved environmental liability
rules that protect pollution victims and their property. Take your choice.
Social change and the
environment
The preceding arguments on energy policy and technology are
all set forth in the first 146 pages of Green
Illusions. Unfortunately, I find the second, and longer, part of this book
to be less persuasive.
In this part, Zehner develops the thesis that “unsustainable
energy use is a symptom of suboptimal social conditions.” Things like women’s
rights, citizen governance, and demilitarization may not seem like
environmental issues, he says, but “in reality they are the most important
energy and environmental issues of the day.” Environmentalists, in his view,
“yield the greatest progress when addressing our social fundamentals.” Near the
end of the book, he sums up his thesis in these terms:
Future environmentalists will drop
solar, wind, biofuels, nuclear, hydrogen, and hybrids to focus instead on
women’s rights, consumer culture, walkable neighborhoods, military spending,
zoning, healthcare, wealth disparities, citizen governance, economic reform,
and democratic institutions. (p. 342.)
I wonder. Do we really have time to “drop” work on energy
issues in order to deal first with social policy? Women’s rights, democracy,
and global peace were already the focus of social activists in the nineteenth
century, or even before. If those pioneers of social reform could visit us
today, they would no doubt be gratified that we have made some progress, but
they would be quick to tell us we have a long way to go.
Furthermore, it is not clear that the causal linkages from
social change to environmental health are as simple and linear as Zehner thinks.
Take wealth disparities, for example. Why should we think greater equality of
income distribution would reduce greenhouse gas emissions?
On the one hand, we know that lower- and middle-income
people spend more of their income on consumer goods in general and energy in
particular, which by itself, would suggest that more equal distribution of a
given income would cause more pollution, not less. On the other hand, higher-income
households save more, which would lead to more investment and faster growth. That
would tend to cause more pollution, unless we had policies in place that
reduced the quantity of pollution per dollar of GDP is worthwhile regardless of
income distribution. In short, the relationship between income distribution and
the environment turns out not to be so simple after all.
The same could be said for women’s rights, the subject of
one of the longest chapters in Zehner’s book. In his view, the issue is simple:
greater women’s rights lead to lower population growth, and lower population
growth to a cleaner environment. But is that always true?
Yes, it is plausible that if women in, say, Afghanistan had
greater rights they might have fewer children. But what about China? From what I read, the first thing many Chinese
women would do if they had more control over their reproductive rights would be
to have more children. What about the United States? Is there any evidence that
women in the United States want fewer children, on average, than their husbands
and boyfriends do? Maybe there is, but if so, Zehner does not bother to mention
it.
Furthermore, the link from population growth to
environmental quality is not as simple as Zehner thinks. At one point, he
writes,
When comparing a modestly consuming
populace whose numbers will someday be smaller [China] with a more
substantially consuming populace growing exponentially [the United States], it
is not difficult to determine which is sustainable within the limits of a
finite planet and which is not. (pp. 343-44)
I question that. A footnote to the quoted passage asserts
that “China’s per capita consumption is growing, but is unlikely to reach
American levels.” What will stop it? Why is Zehner willing to extrapolate
exponential growth of the U.S. population (which is now growing less than 1
percent per year, fueled mostly by immigration, not a high birthrate), but
unwilling to extrapolate exponential growth of the Chinese economy, which has
been outpacing that of the United States by a wide margin? The footnote does note
that China’s economy is more energy intensive than those of the United States
or Europe, but he attributes that to outsourcing of heavy industry. Partly
true, but why the outsourcing? Much of China’s cost advantage in heavy industry
comes from the fact that its pollution controls are weaker, and from the fact
that its unequal income distribution—even more unequal than that of the United
States—keeps wages low. In short, despite China’s low fertility rate, I would
argue that its economic model is, on the whole, even less environmentally
sustainable than that of the United States.
The bottom line? I like the first part of Green Illusions. Zehner is right point
out that even the best alternative energy technologies are not as green as they
are sometimes made out to be, and that some of them, like “clean coal,” are a
complete fraud. He is right that conservation has to be part of any green
energy strategy, encouraged by prices that make polluters pay for the harm they
do. Even if you don’t go in for Zehner’s full program of social change, read at
least the first 146 pages and donate the rest to your local recycling center.
Book review originally posted Dec. 10, 2012 at Economonitor.com.
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